Arqto professional performance. Parrochia in Chile is part of the second half of the 50-year period that develops between 1929 and 1979, during which the Chilean government undertook a crucial role in regional and urban planning associated with the industrialization of the country with the consequent Urbanization and metropolization. The period, which was opened in urban development planner by Austrian Karl interventions. H. Brunner, was closed by the developer John Parrochia who designed and built the Metro de Santiago, his last great work in Chile, opened in 1975.
The Arqto. Juan Parrochia a Chilean national, was born in Traiguén , Chile, on 1 April 1930, he graduated in architecture from the School of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of Chile in 1953, and city planner at the University of San Lucas, Belgium in 1955. He is currently Consultant to the United Nations in Urban Development and Professor at the University of Chile.
After his university studies, participated in programs of the Ministry of Reconstruction and Urbanism in France for the large housing complexes, (1953-54); study trips to Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia, North and South, and perfected in the USA. (1963), France, Germany and Italy (1968), Mexico and Canada (1969). He furthered his studies in urban and interurban transport in the State Department, USA., Working in Washington and San Francisco, and Green Areas System in Milwaukee and San Juan de Puerto Rico. Studies conducted in Metropolitan Transportation Directorate General of the Paris Metro, visiting all the world's subway systems.
Concern Santiago provide a mass transit comes in the second half of the twentieth century when the city takes clear awareness of its geographic growth and densification. In response, the gaze is directed to other great world cities that experienced similar problems and where, rather than in Santiago, one of the most used and accepted solutions was that of a subway system.
Metro Early history dating back to May 28, 1965, date of creation of special projects at Metropolitan facilities, whose objective was to find lasting solutions to certain problems. In addition, to advise the government in finding solutions to transportation problems, the same year he created the Metropolitan Rapid Transit Commission of Santiago. In 1966 he turned to foreign experience, calling for a public proposal to address International Studies metropolitan transportation system in Santiago. The final report with the essential background for the selection of a Metropolitan Transportation Plan for Santiago was delivered in 1968 and 24 October of that year the President of the Republic, Eduardo Frei signed the decree that gave life to that plan . This date is considered symbolic, since it marks the beginning of the activities that led to the construction of the Metro network.
Among the many options that the study found, the most important was the construction of an underground network consisting of 5 lines - three urban and two suburban - with an initial extension of 60 kilometers. For decision government in 1969 began engineering work on Line 1 with the first excavations in the area of \u200b\u200bthe current station bars. That same year, the Directorate of Planning of the Ministry of Public Works created the Construction Office of the Santiago Metro, and in 1974 gave birth to the Directorate General of Metro, always integrated the MOP. On May 12, 1975 entered the first of six trains a first section of Line 1, running between the stations San Pablo and La Moneda, developing a trial run period which ended on September 15 with the official opening of the service. In 1977 he delivered the first extension, to station Salvador, and in 1980 completed its current path to military school.
In the interim therefore in March 1978 opened the first section of Line 2 (Heroes - Franklin) and in December of that year was extended to Lo Ovalle, and in 1987 completed its current route to the station Cal y Canto.
In August 1991 the government decided to extend the network through the construction of Line 5, which would be inaugurated in April 1997, and less than a year later, in February 1998, work began extension of 2.8 km from train station and heading Baquedano the center of Santiago. In March 2000, were inaugurated three new stations: Bellas Artes, Plaza de Armas and Santa Ana, by connecting the latter with Line 2. In 2000, President Ricardo Lagos Escobar said the expansion of the existing metro network, with the construction of extensions of lines 5 and 2, and the new Line 4. On March 31, 2004 was inaugurated the west extension of Line 5, with two new stations, Cumming and Quinta Normal. Meanwhile, North and South extensions of Line 2 was delivered in September and December respectively. Respect of Line 4, it will be put into operation by stages between 2005 and 2006. In relation to the second stage of Line 2 North, it will become operational between this and the next year.
If there were a model of automobile city, would undoubtedly be the benchmark that has identified the interventions in Santiago during the last thirty years, apart from the relatively isolated case of the subway, vast areas of land given to vehicular traffic. Concession roads mark the conclusion of a class system among drivers, a system that unfortunately, inform the way we understand and experience the city.
words Key: Urban Planning, urban roads, transport, segregation, spatial syntax, road concession in Santiago.
Introduction.
Santiago City is undergoing radical changes that will profoundly transform its urban structure and, hopefully, make it a world class capital (1) . In this sense, one of the main changes introduced by the Government is the modernization of the transportation system-both public and private, from the implementation of Transantiago Plan and construction of a highway system within the city .
Transantiago Plan, based on extensions to the Metro system, integrated fare, redesign of roads and terminals, and the acquisition of modern articulated buses that circulate on trunk roads is an investment of over U.S. $ 2,300 million between 2004 and 2010 (2) . The urban highway system, for its part, involves an investment of about U.S. $ 1,800 million and consists of six privately operated highways, with an area of \u200b\u200b215 km approximately. Since its inception the highway system has been the subject of heated controversy, essentially on three fronts. The first, by nature economic, discusses the generous subsidies that the state would be giving the highway concessionaires to ensure profitability (3) . The second, from the perspective of transportation engineering, questions the effectiveness of addressing the problem of traffic congestion through highway construction (4) . And third, the urban-architectural nature, objects to the effect that this infrastructure will have on neighborhoods and crossing (5) . Sharing the misgivings mentioned in this article posits that there is an effect that may be even more important, it has not been raised much less studied, is These structural changes in the city that will take effect in the way it is lived and perceived.
The highway system has a double cross- city in the north - south by the Central Freeway and east - west to the North Coast supplemented by Americo Vespucio beltway that surrounds intercity highways and connects to the rest of the country (Fig. 1). The idea of \u200b\u200bthis connection system is not new, and in fact strongly resembles the plan proposed by Parrochia critical corridors as part of PRIS (6) , 1960 (Parrochia, 1979) and numerous interventions-oriented streets new roundabouts, overpasses, conducted between 1950 and 1975 in Santiago.
What is new, is that in this case will be paid directly and in detail every time you use the infrastructure. This has several important implications that are of concern. First, it could increase social segregation, not only manifested in neighborhoods with varying equipment and services, but now also in two road systems that would run parallel. Second, concerned that the circulatory system of the first not only encroach the city, but also generates a system of movement from one point to another without linking it with through neighborhoods, emphasizing social segregation. Third, there is concern that the street grid without losing continuity and payment integration with the global city, especially considering that some of the more expeditious and integrated streets of today will become part of the network under concession (for example, Kennedy Avenue) .
The road infrastructure in the city.
The street network has a vital role in cities, as enabler of trade in goods and services, as a meeting place, and ultimately as a precondition for the development of an urban society. Cerda, referring to the emerging discipline of urban design, argues that "... its constituent elements are the shelters, the object reciprocity media services and common pathways, that is, by common use" (Soria y Puig, 1996), leaving embodied in the expansion of Barcelona, \u200b\u200bmade famous in the early nineteenth century. At the same time, the Baron Haussmann Paris intervenes through the incorporation of large avenues and boulevards that structure the city until today.
More recently, urban planners such as Panerai and de Solá Morales , among others, stress the importance of roads and paths tools of intervention in the urban project, as well as carrying the memory of the city (Panerai, 1983, De Sola Morales, 1997). For their part, authors such as Allen, Koolhaas and Mau highlights the effects of road catalysts for urban development (Koolhaas and Mau, 1995). Allen believes that such road infrastructure create "continuity systems" that organize complex patterns of movement and exchange, going to create "artificial ecologies", in the sense of stimulating profound changes on the existing city state, which in turn modify and create new infrastructure (Allen, 1999).
In the case of Santiago, Vicuña Mackenna brought the ideas of the famous early planners from Europe, leaving their mark on the road infrastructure of the city until today. Furthermore, in line with significant operations in the urban fabric, it is important to emphasize the role of the passages and galleries, covered in the Plan Brunner penetrated foundational blocks from downtown in the early twentieth century. Under it, multiply the perimeter of the sector trade and contribute significantly to the vitality of downtown Santiago. More recently, Germain Bannen developer has used a similar strategy to maintain the momentum of the center of the town of Providence.
Finally would like to mention here the conceptual and methodological framework of Space Syntax (7) developed at the University of London for over twenty years, which has proven to be an efficient tool for strategic urban analysis. From this perspective, it is postulated that the main contribution made by architecture to society is precisely the construction of the urban network of streets and public spaces as their own has determining effects on the pattern of movement, and therefore in the match and co-presence of people (Hillier and Hanson, 1984). This is because the streets that is passed in the course of any trip tend to be those that provide the most direct routes through the network. Thus, we propose that the urban network may come to influence all sorts of social phenomena, since the success of local businesses to develop support networks among residents, crime rates, or the willingness of residents to invest in housing and in your neighborhood (Hillier, 1996).
space syntax has the advantage of providing a rigorous and quantifiable method of modeling of the urban network to analyze and compare different structures each other, or examine the effect of possible interventions. The approach involves the representation of the grid of streets and public spaces with minimal straight lines (or axial), covering all the space travel. This network is analyzed computationally by considering each line as a node in a graph and calculating the complexity of travel from each line to the rest of the system. This will generate values \u200b\u200bof accessibility, which have proven to be good predictors of flows and movements of vehicles and people on the network.
To study what effect the introduction of the system of highway concessions on the city of Santiago, built computer models of the structure of public space before and after incorporation of the Autopista Central and Costanera Norte . In addition, in this second time was analyzed separately the structure of the model with the entire system of streets and highways, and highways excluding charges. This will compare three situations: the city before the new highway system, the city built the highway system and the urban system that people will not use the highway system.
urban structure analysis of Santiago.
The analysis considered three key measures of syntactic analysis: global integration, which refers to the accessibility of a space with respect to all other system; local integration, also referred to accessibility, but only a radius of three lines from each space, and synergy, which refers to the correlation between the two previous measurements. Thus, broadly speaking, the global integration accounts for the structure of the city, local integration is concerned with the immediate context-the neighborhood-and synergy describes the degree of convergence between both scales, illustrating the degree of apprehension have the overall structure of the city from the structure of the neighborhood.
The comparison of these measurements in the three situations examined -before motorways, with highways and those who do not use the highways, shows the changes generated by the system of new infrastructure paid in the structure and perception of the city. As can be seen in the bar graph in Figure 2, the construction of the two highways has contradictory effects in the city: on one hand decreases the global integration and the other increases local integration.
The first reflects the effect of curtailing that produce the highways in the city, and the second responds to the construction of new connections and bridges on both sides of them (both on the river as on the former Mapocho North-South route), which reinforce the internal coherence of some neighborhoods. However, the biggest change is the decline of the synergy that can be understood as a kind of polarization of the different types of roads, which begin to operate either only globally (taking orders quickly from one place to another as you would a underground network), or only locally without reference to the city beyond the neighborhood.
The third situation, without TAG called on the chart, shows the values \u200b\u200b syntactic free city in the coming years. As shown, the global integration suffers strongly, reflecting a loss for those not unable or unwilling to pay, while local integration remains at the levels prior to the construction of motorways. For its part, the synergy of this system, free city, is better than the synergy of the city to highways (since no routes are being considered disconnected from their context, such as motorways) but lower than the synergy of city \u200b\u200bbefore construction.
addition to exercising at the level of Santiago, modeled the eastern sector of the capital as a socio - spatial independent of the rest of the city, showing an even greater deterioration in the situation of those without a TAG, especially in terms of synergy. To understand the implications of this phenomenon, Figure 3 shows 10% of the streets locally and globally integrated eastern sector in the current situation and in no TAG. It is possible to observe that both the global and the local structure lost range in the sector area, leaving large areas without roads built, moreover, notes that global and local structures tend to fail to coincide and thus feedback.
Conclusions.
Although the government considers urban agenda urban highways paid as upgrades that will increase the connectivity of the city, analysis indicated that they would enhance socio-spatial segregation in Santiago. The construction not only cuts off the city, but promotes the non-contact between neighborhoods and makes intelligible general mesh. In fact, the exercises suggest that people traveling on the highway concessions system lost contact with the neighborhoods they pass through, while moving through the system without payment will lose connectivity to the global city.
This has strong implications for the potential meeting ground and social exchange: on the one hand, gives the possibility of living in a city without knowing or go through other neighborhoods, and on the other desincentiva los viajes no-obligados a través de la estructura global (ya sea por el pago de peaje o por las dificultades de conectividad global para los que no paguen). En todos los casos se está debilitando la idea de la ciudad como espacio social y se está favoreciendo la reclusión de los habitantes en barrios ya socialmente estratificados.
Lo anterior se contrapone con la tradición de intervenciones urbanas sobre el espacio vial de Santiago (Vicuña Mackenna, Karl Brunner, Juan Parrochia, Germán Bannen), cuyo espíritu fue integrar a la totalidad de la población. Parece ser que, a casi 150 años de la edición de la Teoría general de la urbanización Ildefonso Cerda, his idea of \u200b\u200bthe street as the dual space, which combines the need for connectivity with the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial exchange, is increasingly far from being achieved in the Santiago del Nuevo Extremo.
Notes.
1. According to the document infrastructure plan for the city of Santiago, produced by the MOPTT, June 2003,
http://www.moptt.cl/documentos/infraestructurasantiago.pdf .
2. For more details see: http://www.transantiago.cl/ .
3. See for example the introduction of the book Move for your city: a citizen proposal transportation equity. Editorial LOM, Santiago, 2003.
4. See for example the discussion in the dossier "When James moves," Revista Universitaria 78, pp. 34-77, 2002.
5. Examples are the numerous letters of Christian De Groote, National Architecture Award, the newspaper El Mercurio.
6. Inter-Communal Regulating Plan Santiago.
7. For more information see http://www.spacesyntax.com/ .
Contributions:
Margarita Greene *, Rodrigo Mora
** * Associate Professor, School of Architecture, Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, Chile.
** Academic Department of Architecture, Technical University Federico Santa María, Valparaíso, Chile.
Pablo Ramírez Torrejón (AC).
The Arqto. Juan Parrochia a Chilean national, was born in Traiguén , Chile, on 1 April 1930, he graduated in architecture from the School of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of Chile in 1953, and city planner at the University of San Lucas, Belgium in 1955. He is currently Consultant to the United Nations in Urban Development and Professor at the University of Chile.
After his university studies, participated in programs of the Ministry of Reconstruction and Urbanism in France for the large housing complexes, (1953-54); study trips to Europe, Africa, Asia, Australia, North and South, and perfected in the USA. (1963), France, Germany and Italy (1968), Mexico and Canada (1969). He furthered his studies in urban and interurban transport in the State Department, USA., Working in Washington and San Francisco, and Green Areas System in Milwaukee and San Juan de Puerto Rico. Studies conducted in Metropolitan Transportation Directorate General of the Paris Metro, visiting all the world's subway systems.
Concern Santiago provide a mass transit comes in the second half of the twentieth century when the city takes clear awareness of its geographic growth and densification. In response, the gaze is directed to other great world cities that experienced similar problems and where, rather than in Santiago, one of the most used and accepted solutions was that of a subway system.
Metro Early history dating back to May 28, 1965, date of creation of special projects at Metropolitan facilities, whose objective was to find lasting solutions to certain problems. In addition, to advise the government in finding solutions to transportation problems, the same year he created the Metropolitan Rapid Transit Commission of Santiago. In 1966 he turned to foreign experience, calling for a public proposal to address International Studies metropolitan transportation system in Santiago. The final report with the essential background for the selection of a Metropolitan Transportation Plan for Santiago was delivered in 1968 and 24 October of that year the President of the Republic, Eduardo Frei signed the decree that gave life to that plan . This date is considered symbolic, since it marks the beginning of the activities that led to the construction of the Metro network.
Among the many options that the study found, the most important was the construction of an underground network consisting of 5 lines - three urban and two suburban - with an initial extension of 60 kilometers. For decision government in 1969 began engineering work on Line 1 with the first excavations in the area of \u200b\u200bthe current station bars. That same year, the Directorate of Planning of the Ministry of Public Works created the Construction Office of the Santiago Metro, and in 1974 gave birth to the Directorate General of Metro, always integrated the MOP. On May 12, 1975 entered the first of six trains a first section of Line 1, running between the stations San Pablo and La Moneda, developing a trial run period which ended on September 15 with the official opening of the service. In 1977 he delivered the first extension, to station Salvador, and in 1980 completed its current path to military school.
In the interim therefore in March 1978 opened the first section of Line 2 (Heroes - Franklin) and in December of that year was extended to Lo Ovalle, and in 1987 completed its current route to the station Cal y Canto.
In August 1991 the government decided to extend the network through the construction of Line 5, which would be inaugurated in April 1997, and less than a year later, in February 1998, work began extension of 2.8 km from train station and heading Baquedano the center of Santiago. In March 2000, were inaugurated three new stations: Bellas Artes, Plaza de Armas and Santa Ana, by connecting the latter with Line 2. In 2000, President Ricardo Lagos Escobar said the expansion of the existing metro network, with the construction of extensions of lines 5 and 2, and the new Line 4. On March 31, 2004 was inaugurated the west extension of Line 5, with two new stations, Cumming and Quinta Normal. Meanwhile, North and South extensions of Line 2 was delivered in September and December respectively. Respect of Line 4, it will be put into operation by stages between 2005 and 2006. In relation to the second stage of Line 2 North, it will become operational between this and the next year.
If there were a model of automobile city, would undoubtedly be the benchmark that has identified the interventions in Santiago during the last thirty years, apart from the relatively isolated case of the subway, vast areas of land given to vehicular traffic. Concession roads mark the conclusion of a class system among drivers, a system that unfortunately, inform the way we understand and experience the city.
words Key: Urban Planning, urban roads, transport, segregation, spatial syntax, road concession in Santiago.
Introduction.
Santiago City is undergoing radical changes that will profoundly transform its urban structure and, hopefully, make it a world class capital (1) . In this sense, one of the main changes introduced by the Government is the modernization of the transportation system-both public and private, from the implementation of Transantiago Plan and construction of a highway system within the city .
Transantiago Plan, based on extensions to the Metro system, integrated fare, redesign of roads and terminals, and the acquisition of modern articulated buses that circulate on trunk roads is an investment of over U.S. $ 2,300 million between 2004 and 2010 (2) . The urban highway system, for its part, involves an investment of about U.S. $ 1,800 million and consists of six privately operated highways, with an area of \u200b\u200b215 km approximately. Since its inception the highway system has been the subject of heated controversy, essentially on three fronts. The first, by nature economic, discusses the generous subsidies that the state would be giving the highway concessionaires to ensure profitability (3) . The second, from the perspective of transportation engineering, questions the effectiveness of addressing the problem of traffic congestion through highway construction (4) . And third, the urban-architectural nature, objects to the effect that this infrastructure will have on neighborhoods and crossing (5) . Sharing the misgivings mentioned in this article posits that there is an effect that may be even more important, it has not been raised much less studied, is These structural changes in the city that will take effect in the way it is lived and perceived.
The highway system has a double cross- city in the north - south by the Central Freeway and east - west to the North Coast supplemented by Americo Vespucio beltway that surrounds intercity highways and connects to the rest of the country (Fig. 1). The idea of \u200b\u200bthis connection system is not new, and in fact strongly resembles the plan proposed by Parrochia critical corridors as part of PRIS (6) , 1960 (Parrochia, 1979) and numerous interventions-oriented streets new roundabouts, overpasses, conducted between 1950 and 1975 in Santiago.
What is new, is that in this case will be paid directly and in detail every time you use the infrastructure. This has several important implications that are of concern. First, it could increase social segregation, not only manifested in neighborhoods with varying equipment and services, but now also in two road systems that would run parallel. Second, concerned that the circulatory system of the first not only encroach the city, but also generates a system of movement from one point to another without linking it with through neighborhoods, emphasizing social segregation. Third, there is concern that the street grid without losing continuity and payment integration with the global city, especially considering that some of the more expeditious and integrated streets of today will become part of the network under concession (for example, Kennedy Avenue) .
The road infrastructure in the city.
The street network has a vital role in cities, as enabler of trade in goods and services, as a meeting place, and ultimately as a precondition for the development of an urban society. Cerda, referring to the emerging discipline of urban design, argues that "... its constituent elements are the shelters, the object reciprocity media services and common pathways, that is, by common use" (Soria y Puig, 1996), leaving embodied in the expansion of Barcelona, \u200b\u200bmade famous in the early nineteenth century. At the same time, the Baron Haussmann Paris intervenes through the incorporation of large avenues and boulevards that structure the city until today.
More recently, urban planners such as Panerai and de Solá Morales , among others, stress the importance of roads and paths tools of intervention in the urban project, as well as carrying the memory of the city (Panerai, 1983, De Sola Morales, 1997). For their part, authors such as Allen, Koolhaas and Mau highlights the effects of road catalysts for urban development (Koolhaas and Mau, 1995). Allen believes that such road infrastructure create "continuity systems" that organize complex patterns of movement and exchange, going to create "artificial ecologies", in the sense of stimulating profound changes on the existing city state, which in turn modify and create new infrastructure (Allen, 1999).
In the case of Santiago, Vicuña Mackenna brought the ideas of the famous early planners from Europe, leaving their mark on the road infrastructure of the city until today. Furthermore, in line with significant operations in the urban fabric, it is important to emphasize the role of the passages and galleries, covered in the Plan Brunner penetrated foundational blocks from downtown in the early twentieth century. Under it, multiply the perimeter of the sector trade and contribute significantly to the vitality of downtown Santiago. More recently, Germain Bannen developer has used a similar strategy to maintain the momentum of the center of the town of Providence.
Finally would like to mention here the conceptual and methodological framework of Space Syntax (7) developed at the University of London for over twenty years, which has proven to be an efficient tool for strategic urban analysis. From this perspective, it is postulated that the main contribution made by architecture to society is precisely the construction of the urban network of streets and public spaces as their own has determining effects on the pattern of movement, and therefore in the match and co-presence of people (Hillier and Hanson, 1984). This is because the streets that is passed in the course of any trip tend to be those that provide the most direct routes through the network. Thus, we propose that the urban network may come to influence all sorts of social phenomena, since the success of local businesses to develop support networks among residents, crime rates, or the willingness of residents to invest in housing and in your neighborhood (Hillier, 1996).
space syntax has the advantage of providing a rigorous and quantifiable method of modeling of the urban network to analyze and compare different structures each other, or examine the effect of possible interventions. The approach involves the representation of the grid of streets and public spaces with minimal straight lines (or axial), covering all the space travel. This network is analyzed computationally by considering each line as a node in a graph and calculating the complexity of travel from each line to the rest of the system. This will generate values \u200b\u200bof accessibility, which have proven to be good predictors of flows and movements of vehicles and people on the network.
To study what effect the introduction of the system of highway concessions on the city of Santiago, built computer models of the structure of public space before and after incorporation of the Autopista Central and Costanera Norte . In addition, in this second time was analyzed separately the structure of the model with the entire system of streets and highways, and highways excluding charges. This will compare three situations: the city before the new highway system, the city built the highway system and the urban system that people will not use the highway system.
urban structure analysis of Santiago.
The analysis considered three key measures of syntactic analysis: global integration, which refers to the accessibility of a space with respect to all other system; local integration, also referred to accessibility, but only a radius of three lines from each space, and synergy, which refers to the correlation between the two previous measurements. Thus, broadly speaking, the global integration accounts for the structure of the city, local integration is concerned with the immediate context-the neighborhood-and synergy describes the degree of convergence between both scales, illustrating the degree of apprehension have the overall structure of the city from the structure of the neighborhood.
The comparison of these measurements in the three situations examined -before motorways, with highways and those who do not use the highways, shows the changes generated by the system of new infrastructure paid in the structure and perception of the city. As can be seen in the bar graph in Figure 2, the construction of the two highways has contradictory effects in the city: on one hand decreases the global integration and the other increases local integration.
The first reflects the effect of curtailing that produce the highways in the city, and the second responds to the construction of new connections and bridges on both sides of them (both on the river as on the former Mapocho North-South route), which reinforce the internal coherence of some neighborhoods. However, the biggest change is the decline of the synergy that can be understood as a kind of polarization of the different types of roads, which begin to operate either only globally (taking orders quickly from one place to another as you would a underground network), or only locally without reference to the city beyond the neighborhood.
The third situation, without TAG called on the chart, shows the values \u200b\u200b syntactic free city in the coming years. As shown, the global integration suffers strongly, reflecting a loss for those not unable or unwilling to pay, while local integration remains at the levels prior to the construction of motorways. For its part, the synergy of this system, free city, is better than the synergy of the city to highways (since no routes are being considered disconnected from their context, such as motorways) but lower than the synergy of city \u200b\u200bbefore construction.
addition to exercising at the level of Santiago, modeled the eastern sector of the capital as a socio - spatial independent of the rest of the city, showing an even greater deterioration in the situation of those without a TAG, especially in terms of synergy. To understand the implications of this phenomenon, Figure 3 shows 10% of the streets locally and globally integrated eastern sector in the current situation and in no TAG. It is possible to observe that both the global and the local structure lost range in the sector area, leaving large areas without roads built, moreover, notes that global and local structures tend to fail to coincide and thus feedback.
Conclusions.
Although the government considers urban agenda urban highways paid as upgrades that will increase the connectivity of the city, analysis indicated that they would enhance socio-spatial segregation in Santiago. The construction not only cuts off the city, but promotes the non-contact between neighborhoods and makes intelligible general mesh. In fact, the exercises suggest that people traveling on the highway concessions system lost contact with the neighborhoods they pass through, while moving through the system without payment will lose connectivity to the global city.
This has strong implications for the potential meeting ground and social exchange: on the one hand, gives the possibility of living in a city without knowing or go through other neighborhoods, and on the other desincentiva los viajes no-obligados a través de la estructura global (ya sea por el pago de peaje o por las dificultades de conectividad global para los que no paguen). En todos los casos se está debilitando la idea de la ciudad como espacio social y se está favoreciendo la reclusión de los habitantes en barrios ya socialmente estratificados.
Lo anterior se contrapone con la tradición de intervenciones urbanas sobre el espacio vial de Santiago (Vicuña Mackenna, Karl Brunner, Juan Parrochia, Germán Bannen), cuyo espíritu fue integrar a la totalidad de la población. Parece ser que, a casi 150 años de la edición de la Teoría general de la urbanización Ildefonso Cerda, his idea of \u200b\u200bthe street as the dual space, which combines the need for connectivity with the idea of \u200b\u200bsocial exchange, is increasingly far from being achieved in the Santiago del Nuevo Extremo.
Notes.
1. According to the document infrastructure plan for the city of Santiago, produced by the MOPTT, June 2003,
http://www.moptt.cl/documentos/infraestructurasantiago.pdf .
2. For more details see: http://www.transantiago.cl/ .
3. See for example the introduction of the book Move for your city: a citizen proposal transportation equity. Editorial LOM, Santiago, 2003.
4. See for example the discussion in the dossier "When James moves," Revista Universitaria 78, pp. 34-77, 2002.
5. Examples are the numerous letters of Christian De Groote, National Architecture Award, the newspaper El Mercurio.
6. Inter-Communal Regulating Plan Santiago.
7. For more information see http://www.spacesyntax.com/ .
Contributions:
Margarita Greene *, Rodrigo Mora
** * Associate Professor, School of Architecture, Catholic University of Chile, Santiago, Chile.
** Academic Department of Architecture, Technical University Federico Santa María, Valparaíso, Chile.
Pablo Ramírez Torrejón (AC).
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